dimanche 25 septembre 2011

2010 The Rebirth of Environmentalism: Grassroots Activism from the Spotted Owl to the Polar Bear

http://www.hcn.org/issues/42.7/building-a-more-effective-environmental-movement?utm_source=wcn1&utm_medium=email
Building a more effective environmental movement
REVIEW - From the April 26, 2010 issue of High Country News
By Felice Pace



The Rebirth of Environmentalism: Grassroots Activism from the Spotted Owl to the Polar Bear
Douglas Bevington
285 pages, softcover: $35. 
Island Press, 2009.

In The Rebirth of Environmentalism, activist Douglas Bevington explores the relationship between large national organizations like the Sierra Club and small “grassroots biodiversity groups” like Northwest California’s Environmental Protection Information Center. Bevington describes the different strategies these groups employ and analyzes their effectiveness in protecting land and wildlife.
Bevington’s own position is clear: “Grassroots biodiversity groups have been the unsung heroes of American environmentalism during the past twenty years.” He describes these groups as “small, radical environmental organizations that protect imperiled wildlife and forests, particularly through the aggressive use of litigation.”
Bevington focuses on three late-20th century environmental campaigns -- the Headwaters Forest campaign, the zero-cut national forest campaign and the endangered species litigation campaign -- to reveal the often turbulent internal politics of the environmental movement.
In his view, the nationals play an “insider” game where compromise rules and access to the seats of power determines the groups’ positions. Grassroots groups, however, use “outsider” strategies free from such considerations. Although he acknowledges that the insider strategy produces results, he concludes that it fails to achieve the level of protection needed. But this perspective is overly simplistic and disregards the accomplishments of national-grassroots alliances.
The Rebirth of Environmentalism invites comparison to The Death of Environmentalism by Michael Shellenberger and Ted Nordhaus and to their follow-up book, Break Through. All three authors want the environmental movement to act more boldly, but that is about all they agree on. Shellenberger and Nordhaus want established national organizations to become more political in outlook and more strategic in action; they ignore the grassroots groups that Bevington sees as key.
An environmental movement with the power to address today’s most pressing problems can emerge, says Bevington, but only if resources are reallocated from established national organizations: “We will need environmental groups that are bold and unconstrained, that do not fear controversy or conflict, and that advocate for what is ecologically necessary rather than what is narrowly seen as politically realistic.”
Death or rebirth, the nationals versus the grassroots: At a time of unprecedented environmental challenges, these questions merit serious consideration by all who want to build a more effective conservation movement.

Green Breast

E) Residential areas and suburbia
mainstream America

The fourth area is the residential area of the American born middle class. It is possibly the most representative example of what mainstream America is. It is usually a place where you find individual family homes, houses made of wood, usually two floored buildings, with a huge garage for two cars, a lawn, and a wide sidewalk in front, shadowed by big trees. The people who live in the fourth area are American born, usually white.
The well off in suburbia

The fifth area includes all the suburbs around the large central city. It is the place were the well-off live. Private homes can look like small mansions or even small palaces. Usually in the woods or in pleasant semi-rural surroundings, the homes you find there are surrounded by beautiful lawns dotted with swimming-pools.
Urban sprawl

At some point between the city limits and plain countryside it is difficult to tell where a city actually ends. This is typical of urban sprawl, a situation which can be defined as building houses in the country but not too far from cities. Environmentally speaking, this type of development is highly objectionalble.


Sprawl is a pattern of growth involving low-density development in the suburbs, beyond the edges of existing towns and cities. Residential areas in sprawl-type development are typically low-density, geographically separated from retail stores and offices, and heavily automobile-dependent. Because of this reliance on the automobile, the sprawl landscape is dominated by a vast network of roads and parking lots. (source: Google

vendredi 16 septembre 2011

Can Perry Beat Obama in US 2012 Presidential Election?

September 16, 2011
Can Perry Beat Obama in US 2012 Presidential Election?
Greg Flakus | Houston
  1. http://www.voanews.com/english/news/usa/Can-Perry-Beat-Obama-in-US-2012-Presidential-Election-129942518.html
Photo: Reuters
U.S. Republican presidential candidate Texas Governor Rick Perry leaves a campaign stop at Harvey’s Bakery and Coffee Shop in Dover, New Hampshire August 18, 2011.

Texas Governor Rick Perry recently entered the race for the Republican Party presidential nomination and immediately soared to the top of public opinion polls.  Perry is popular with many conservatives, but he may not fare as well with moderates and independent voters if he wins the nomination and faces President Barack Obama in the 2012 election.  

Main appeal

Perry’s main appeal to voters is that the state he has run for the past decade has created more jobs than any other.  In debates with Republican rivals, he promises to follow his Texas model to boost national economic growth.

“You give people the opportunity to risk their capital by lowering the tax burden on them, by lowering the regulatory climate, and you will see an American economy that takes off like a rocket ship,” Perry said.

Criticism


Reuters


Former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney makes a point as Texas Governor Rick Perry ® listens during the Reagan Centennial GOP presidential primary debate at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California September 7, 2011

But his rivals, especially former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney, question Perry’s criticism of the federal Social Security program for senior citizens.

“But the question is, do you still believe that Social Security should be ended as a federal program as you did six months ago when your book came out [calling for the end of federal-controlled Social Security]  and returned [the Social Security problems] to the states, or do you want to retreat from that?” asked Romney during a debate.

“I think we ought to have a conversation, “ responded Perry.

“We’re having that right now, governor. We’re running for president,” Romney quipped.

Critics say Perry’s criticism of Social Security and his stand on a number of other social issues may help him win the conservative votes he needs to secure the Republican nomination, but could undermine his appeal to the moderate voters he will need to win the presidency.

Mark Jones, chairman of Rice University’s Political Science Department, has been keeping a close eye on Perry’s presidential quest.

“If the focus of the campaign is not so much on jobs and the economy, but more is on these other issues such as social values, religion, things like Social Security, then I think the Perry candidacy would be doomed,” Jones said.

Successes 

Jones says Perry will do better by focusing on the jobs created in Texas during his time in office.  According to the US Bureau of Labor Statistics, Texas added more than 700,000 private sector jobs in the past ten years, while large states like California and Michigan each lost more than 600,000 jobs.  Perry’s rivals question how much credit he should get, noting that the Lonestar state has advantages that were in place long before he assumed office. But Mark Jones says that won’t matter to voters.

“Texas has done well on jobs, that is tough to dispute and, from a political perspective that is difficult to dispute. Perry can say ‘I created the jobs, “ noted Jones.

Weaknesses

He says Perry is generally popular with the conservatives who form the base of the Republican party today, but he does have a few weak spots, like immigration.

Perry campaigned for governor calling for tough measures against crime along the nearly 2,000-kilometer border Texas shares with Mexico.

“If Washington won’t protect our border, Texas will,” promised Perry in a campaign ad.

But Perry angered some conservatives by endorsing a comprehensive immigration reform plan that they regard as giving amnesty to those who violated US law.

“We need to craft and pass an immigration bill that allows those individuals who are basically economic immigrants to move back and forth across that border,” he said.

Hispanic vote 

Mark Jones says this could be a problem for Perry among conservatives, but it could help him win Hispanic votes if he becomes the Republican candidate.

“He has sort-of tried to have his cake and eat it too [ have it both ways] on the immigration issue,” noted Jones. “He does not want to alienate the right, so he talks a semi-tough line, but he doesn’t do anything that might over alienate Hispanics who might otherwise want to vote for him.”

Jones thinks Perry’s biggest problem may be that some Republicans fear his more extreme positions could undermine him in a race against Mr. Obama. He says the more moderate Mitt Romney may take advantage of that. 

“What Mitt Romney is going to do over the next six months is convince those same voters as well as moderate voters that Rick Perry is unelectable in the general election,” Jones said.

Rick Perry has never lost an election, but his whole career has been in Texas. His big national test will begin early next year with the Iowa caucuses and the nation’s first primary in New Hampshire.

lundi 5 septembre 2011

Stung by the President on Air Quality, Environmentalists Weigh Their Options

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/09/04/science/earth/04air.html?scp=1&sq=environmentalists&st=Search

Stung by the President on Air Quality, Environmentalists Weigh Their OptionsBy LESLIE KAUFMAN
Published: September 3, 2011
For environmental groups, it was the final hard slap that brought a long-troubled relationship to the brink.

Evan Vucci/Associated Press

President Obama in the Rose Garden on Wednesday. On Friday, he went against the advice of environmental officials.Related
  1. Obama Administration Abandons Stricter Air-Quality Rules (September 3, 2011)
  2. Times Topics: Air Pollution | Environmental Protection Agency
Related in Opinion
  1. Editorial: A Bad Call on Ozone (September 3, 2011)
  2. Room For Debate: What if Republicans Closed the E.P.A.?
A blog about energy and the environment.Go to Blog »
In late August, the State Department gave a crucial go-ahead on a controversial pipeline to bring tar sands oil from Canada to the Gulf Coast. Then on Friday, leading into the holiday weekend, the Obama administration announced without warning that it was walking away from stricter ozone pollution standards that it had been promising for three years and instead sticking with Bush-era standards.
John D. Walke, clean air director of the Natural Resources Defense Council, an advocacy group based in New York, likened the ozone decision to a “bomb being dropped.”
Mr. Walke and representatives of other environmental groups saw the president’s actions as brazen political sellouts to business interests and the Republican Party, which regards environmental regulations as job killers and a brick wall to economic recovery.
The question for environmentalists became, what to do next?
“There is shock and chaos here,” Mr. Walke said, “so I do not know. I can’t answer that question.” But he added that his group would resume a smog lawsuit against the government that it had dropped because it had been lulled into believing that this administration would enact tougher regulations without being forced to do so by the courts.
Political analysts watching the Obama administration’s pullback from the environmental agenda this past month say that in the current climate there is little chance that environmentalists or their allies will ever side with the Republicans. After all, the Republican-led House of Representatives has been aggressively moving to curtail protections for endangered species and regulations for clean air and water, and most of the Republican presidential candidates have been intensely critical of any government effort to address climate change.
Still, they say, the president could face political repercussions in subtler but nevertheless corrosive ways: from losing volunteer enthusiasm to tying up his allies in fights with him instead of with his enemies.

“Energy from part of the base will now be directed at communicating with the White House and not with the public about the administration’s record,” said Daniel J. Weiss, director of climate strategy at the Center for American Progress, a liberal research group with close ties to the White House.
And Justin Ruben, executive director of MoveOn.org, a five-million-member online progressive political organization that played a significant role in President Obama’s election in 2008, said he was sure that his members would be deflated.
“How are our members in Ohio and Florida who pounded the pavement in 2008 going to make the case for why this election matters?” Mr. Ruben said. “Stuff like this is devastating to the hope and passion that fuels the volunteers that made the president’s 2008 campaign so unique and successful.”
Anthony Leiserowitz, director of the Yale Project on Climate Change Communication, who does extensive work on public perception and the environment, said the real threat to the president’s reputation stemming from the ozone decision went far beyond environmentalists.
“It could play into an emerging narrative in his own party that he is caving too quickly to Republican pressure,” Dr. Leiserowitz said. “It is a dangerous narrative in your own base because it cuts down on enthusiasm and it is a narrative that his opponents will pick up on.”
In fact, it is a lesson that some environmental groups have already learned, and they are preparing to act accordingly.
“I think that two-plus years into Obama’s presidency is more than enough time for him to have established a clear weak record,” said Kierán Suckling, executive director of the Center for Biological Diversity, which has been battling the president on endangered species.
“The environmental movement needs to keep piling the pressure on and realizing playing nicey-nice won’t work,” Mr. Suckling said, adding that more public actions and lawsuits are the way to get Mr. Obama’s attention.His is not the only group going this way, but so far it is unclear that protests are being heard.
All last week across the street from the White House, Bill McKibben, a founder of 350.org, a grass-roots organization that advocates limiting carbon emissions, staged demonstrations to protest the Keystone XL pipeline, which would bring the tar sands oil from Canada.
As of Friday, Mr. McKibben said, more than a thousand people had been arrested in the previous days of protest, including Obama campaign staff members from 2008. Yet, he said of the White House, “we heard not one word from them.”
One of those former campaign workers who was arrested was Courtney Hight, who was the youth vote director in Florida in 2008. She offered an explicit warning: “If the president decides not to permit the pipeline, he will reignite the enthusiasm many of my friends and I felt in 2008. But if he approves it, it is just human nature that the disappointment will sap the enthusiasm that drove us to work so hard last time.”

A version of this article appeared in print on September 4, 2011, on page A21 of the New York edition with the headline: Stung by the President on Air Quality, Environmentalists Weigh Their Options.

mardi 30 août 2011

Montana's stream access law stays strong

http://www.hcn.org/issues/43.12/montanas-stream-access-law-stays-strong?utm_source=wcn1&utm_medium=email

Montana's stream access law stays strong

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by Chad Harder/Missoula Independent
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Stream access laws on private lands in the West
Related Stories
Water is definitely for fighting in Montana
Wealthy landowners and locals wade into the ditch
NEWS - From the July 25, 2011 issue
By Matthew Frank
In late May, as melting La Niña-fed snowpack shoved western Montana's rivers over their banks, the state began closing fishing access sites, including several on the bloated Bitterroot River. Thus, floodwaters accomplished what some state lawmakers, earlier in the year, could not: Removing anglers from the Bitterroot and other streams.
The Republican-dominated state Legislature was extremely ambitious, with bills that strangled social programs and undermined bedrock environmental laws, but in the end it balked at weakening Montana's Stream Access Law, the most permissive such law in the West.
Despite being attacked in court and by conservative lawmakers for decades, Montana's 1985 law remains the West's high-water mark, the envy of recreationists in states like Utah and Colorado, where more restrictive stream-access laws rule the waves. Meanwhile, some irate landowners believe Montana's generous public access infringes on private-property rights.
Montana's law was passed in response to a 1984 state Supreme Court ruling that granted public access to all surface waters "capable of recreational use," regardless of who owns the streambed, because surface waters are state property, held in public trust. The stream-access law narrowed that ruling, allowing recreational access to all "natural water bodies" but exempting private irrigation ditches. The law was challenged in 1987, and the court confirmed its intent.
The law's language left legal openings, though, such as what constitutes a "private irrigation ditch." The Mitchell Slough, a historic fork of the Bitterroot River, served as the muddy nexus of that debate for years. Landowners there, including billionaire banker Charles Schwab and '80s pop star Huey Lewis, believed the slough, which crossed their property and had been extensively altered, was essentially a private ditch. A district court agreed. But the Montana Supreme Court, in 2008, unanimously ruled in favor of public access to the 16-mile-long Mitchell Slough.
This year, Rep. Jeffrey Welborn, a Republican from Dillon, tried another tack to curb the Stream Access Law: clarifying its prohibition on recreational access to ditches. The bill sought to broaden the definition of a private ditch to include many public waterways. It would have prevented anglers and floaters from using all waterways where the return flows from irrigation make up the majority of the flow, as well as side-channels of braided rivers and streams where irrigation controls are located at the head of the braid.
But the bill went too far, say critics, not only reversing the Mitchell Slough decision, but also seriously restricting Montanans' stream-access rights. Under it, even the Bitterroot River would be defined as a ditch, according to Bob Lane, chief legal counsel for Montana Fish, Wildlife and Parks, because of the amount of water diverted from it during irrigation season.
"In fact, almost all rivers and streams in Montana, except those in wilderness areas and the headwaters of streams on Forest Service land, could no longer be used by the public," Lane says. "(The bill) not only doesn't work, it just doesn't make any sense."
Former Montana U.S. Attorney Bill Mercer, hired to help draft the bill, says it simply aimed to restore the original purpose of the 1985 Stream Access Law, which was, he says, to preclude recreational use of water after it leaves the main body for irrigation.
A March committee hearing aroused the masses: About 350 anglers and floaters filled the Capitol to complain. "We have a lot of people with an extreme amount of money who have bought lands on and near these rivers, and some of these people are interested in having their own little private world out there where nothing but their rich friends can fish," testified John Rich of Divide. "I'm worried about the implications of this bill. It might make it easier for them to prevent people like myself from enjoying our waters." The bill won approval in the House, but died in the Senate Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation Committee.
The bill was backed by deep pockets in the Bitterroot, opponents say, but singer Huey Lewis says they weren't his. Still, he laments that the Mitchell Slough is now public. He and his neighbors tried to restore it into a healthy fishery, he says: They narrowed the channel, dredged out silt, added streamside vegetation, and worked with irrigators to increase stream flow. But when the state Supreme Court said it was a natural and publicly accessible stream, their incentive to continue restoration efforts slipped downstream.
"It ruined the Mitchell," Lewis says. "The idea of that becoming a good fishery is over. It was becoming a spawning area -- kind of a nursery -- for the Bitterroot River, that's gone. ... It's going to become the mud ditch it was when we first found it."
That's because ownership encourages stewardship, says Reed Watson, of the Bozeman-based free-market think tank Property and Environment Research Center, or PERC. We tend to take better care of our own cars than we might of rentals, he adds, because we bear the consequences of our good -- or bad -- treatment.
"There are some positive things that can happen for restoration or the quality of streams from the environmental perspective that I think might go away if every single waterway is open to public access, including irrigation ditches," Watson says. He notes that landowners in Utah also halted stream restoration work when the state Supreme Court, in 2008, ruled in favor of public access.
In other Western states, stream-access laws vary widely, from Montana's wide-open model to Colorado's, which warns that anglers and floaters risk trespassing if they touch privately owned streambeds and banks. PERC calls Nevada, Alaska and Wyoming "battleground states" because of ambiguities in laws and court opinions. Idaho's and Oregon's laws are nearly as liberal as Montana's.
Utah remains in stream-access flux. In 2008, the Utah Supreme Court ruled that, as in Montana, the public could legally touch all streambeds regardless of streambed ownership. That victory was short-lived: In 2010, the Utah Legislature essentially reversed the court's decision, passing House Bill 141 to restrict access to streambeds on private lands unless recreationists have a landowner's permission. Frank Hugelmeyer of the Outdoor Industry Association predicted that the law, called the Public Waters Access Act, would be "devastating" to the fishing industry, roughly a tenth of Utah's $5.8 billion outdoor recreation economy.
Steve Schmidt, owner of Western Rivers Flyfisher in Salt Lake City, says he felt the effects of the bill's impact within a month of its passage. The law has discouraged out-of-state clients from booking trips, he says, and locals are buying fewer fishing licenses. Between poor weather and the new law, he estimates his guiding business is down 30 percent this year. "This is a motivation for people not to fish in Utah," he says.
Schmidt hopes legal action will change that. Last November, the pro-recreation Utah Stream Access Coalition challenged the constitutionality of the Public Waters Access Act, arguing that it violates the state's obligation to hold Utah's waters in trust for the public. That case has yet to be heard. Meanwhile, the coalition filed another suit in May, seeking to have the Weber, a blue-ribbon trout stream, designated as navigable. In Utah, the beds of navigable rivers are public property, and a river is deemed navigable if it's ever been used for commerce.
"If we win the first lawsuit, we'll have a Montana-like law again," says Utah Stream Access Coalition President David Serdar. But there's probably a workable compromise that wouldn't be quite as permissive, he says: "In the long term, we would like to see no less than Idaho's (law)." In Idaho, a river is navigable -- and therefore publicly accessible -- as long as you can float a six-inch-diameter log down it.
The debate has risen to the surface in Colorado, too, though a controversial legislative effort in 2010 to clarify the rights of rafters ultimately failed after landowners voiced opposition. John Cantamessa, chairman of the Colorado River Outfitters Association, says recreationists are currently stuck with the status quo -- a law more protective of private-property rights than any other river-access law in the West. That law is good enough for rafting access, though, he says, and his organization sees no need to change it.
That is, "Until the next guy gets locked out (from floating the river)," says Brenda Worley, co-owner of Yampa-based Colorado River Guides. She sympathizes with riverfront landowners, but says everyone should have access to rivers. "I don't think it's over with in the state of Colorado by any stretch of the imagination," she says.
Nor will the debate likely ever end in Montana.
"There's a reason why we have the best trout fishing in the United States and the best access law," says Bruce Farling, director of Montana Trout Unlimited. "It isn't coincidental: When people have access to rivers for fishing, they are motivated to protect and restore them."

dimanche 14 août 2011

2011 - Où sont passées les sardines ?

FRANCE INFO - 07:33C’est une année noire pour les “sardinades”, ces gigantesques barbecues d’été organisés chaque été toutes les villes du littoral, de Marseille à Sète. Cette année, elles ne pourront avoir lieu, faute de sardines… Depuis deux mois, les pêcheurs provençaux n’en remontent plus dans leur filets… Pas d’explication scientifique pour le moment, juste ce constat : les bans de sardines semblent avoir disparus du golfe du Lion. Une tendance observée depuis plusieurs années.








Golfe du Lion : où sont passées les sardines ? l’enquête d’Olivier Martocq  (1’52”)
 



© baetisniger - Fotolia.com

La population des sardines comme d’ailleurs celle des anchois a fait l’objet cet été d’une campagne d’évaluation menée par l’Ifremer. Elle s’est terminée le 1er août. On en connait pas encore les conclusions. Mais depuis cinq ans, une chute spectaculaire des effectifs et de la taille des poissons a été observée. A Sète, les quantités débarquée ont baissé de 55% en deux ans.


Consultez tous nos web reportages et nos vidéos  France

mercredi 10 août 2011

speech accent archive

Une ressource en ligne:
http://accent.gmu.edu/index.php

The speech accent archive uniformly presents a large set of speech samples from
a variety of language backgrounds. Native and non-native speakers of English
read the same paragraph and are carefully transcribed. The archive is used by
people who wish to compare and analyze the accents of different English
speakers.
The archive contains more than one thousand five hundred recordings. These can
be searched many ways, including by place of birth and the age at which the
speaker began to learn English.

Frédérique Brisset